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About - Historical Jesus research remains trapped in the positivistic historiographical framework from which it emerged more than a hundred and fifty years ago. This is confirmed by the nested assumptions shared by the majority of researchers. These include the idea that a historical figure could not have been like the Gospel portrayals and consequently the Gospels have developed in a linear and layered fashion from the authentic kernels to the elaborated literary constructions as they are known today.
The aim of historical Jesus research, therefore, is to identify the authentic material from which the historical figure as a social type underneath the overlay is constructed. Anthropological historiography offers an alternative framework for dealing with Jesus of Nazareth as a social personage fully embedded in a first-century Mediterranean worldview and the Gospels as cultural artifacts related to this figure. The shamanic complex can account for the cultural processes and dynamics related to his social personage.
This cross-cultural model represents a religious pattern that refers to a family of features for describing those religious entrepreneurs who, based on regular Altered State of Consciousness experiences, perform a specific set of social functions in their communities. This model accounts for the wide spectrum of the data ascribed to Jesus of Nazareth while it offers a coherent framework for constructing the historical Jesus as a social personage embedded in his worldview.
As a Galilean shamanic figure Jesus typically performed healings and exorcisms, he controlled the spirits while he also acted as prophet, teacher and mediator of divine knowledge. Given the existence of the two prevailing pathways leading into contemporary 'historical Jesus' study, Craffert leaves the century-and-a-half old Schweitzer Street Schweitzerstrasse and Wrede Road Wredebahn to do some 'bundubashing' South African: to travel off road through remote and rough terrain to get to the social personage of Jesus the Galilean.
His critique of prevailing historical Jesus study is insightful and incisive, while his description of Jesus as first-century Galilean shaman is masterful and accomplished. His interpretation of the public figure of Jesus using the social-type of a shaman opens up a new world view and encourages the inclusion of texts, events, and activities usually dismissed from discussions of the historical Jesus. His originality is matched by his meticulous research and the clarity he brings to a complex problem.
This is a must-read for anyone interested in the historical Jesus, but especially for those who enjoy a genuinely new approach to an old problem. We understand persons with the help of some category or model that suggests to us what they were like. The problem with categories used about Jesus is that they are either too distant historically to provide meaning to modern readers, or to modern to help us grasp the disturbing 'otherness' about Jesus.
Craffert's use of 'shaman' as a social model for Jesus makes sense of the otherness of Jesus in our own world, and also helps us grasp how the faith of Early Christian communities was very different from most modern forms of Christianity. Four months after Castaneda's death, C. Castaneda, also known as Adrian Vashon, whose birth certificate shows Carlos Castaneda as his father, challenged Castaneda's will in probate court. The challenge was ultimately unsuccessful .
After Castaneda stepped away from public view in , he bought a large multi-dwelling property in Los Angeles which he shared with some of his followers. Each went on to write books that explored the experience of being followers of Castaneda's teachings from a feminist perspective. Around the time Castaneda died in April , his companions Donner-Grau, Abelar and Patricia Partin informed friends they were leaving on a long journey.
Luis Marquez, the brother of Talia Bey, went to police in over his sister's disappearance, but was unable to convince them that it merited investigation.get link
The investigating authorities ruled Partin's death as undetermined. Since his death, Carol Tiggs, a colleague of Castaneda, has spoken at workshops throughout the world, including at Ontario, California in , Sochi, Russia in and Merida, Yucatan in Tiggs had the longest association with Castaneda and is written about in some of his books. Today, she serves as a consultant for Cleargreen. Although Castaneda's accounts of the Teaching of Don Juan were initially well-received as non-fiction works of ethnography, the books are now widely regarded as works of fiction.
At first, and with the backing of academic qualifications and the UCLA anthropological department, Castaneda's work was mostly praised by reviewers. Edmund Leach praised the book. Spicer offered a somewhat mixed review of The Teachings of Don Juan , highlighting Castaneda's expressive prose and his vivid depiction of his relationship with Don Juan. However, Spicer noted that the events described in the book were not consistent with other ethnographic accounts of Yaqui cultural practices, concluding it was unlikely that Don Juan had ever participated in Yaqui group life.
Spicer also stated: "[It is] wholly gratuitous to emphasize, as the subtitle does, any connection between the subject matter of the book and the cultural traditions of the Yaquis. In a series of articles, R. Gordon Wasson , the ethnobotanist who made psychoactive mushrooms famous, similarly praised Castaneda's work, while expressing doubts regarding the accuracy of some of the claims.
La Barre questioned the book's accuracy, calling it a "pseudo-profound deeply vulgar pseudo-ethnography. Later reviews were more critical, with several critics positing that the books were fabrications.
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Beginning in , Richard de Mille published a series of criticisms that uncovered inconsistencies in Castaneda's field notes, as well as several instances of apparent plagiarism. Thomas notes  that Muriel Thayer Painter, in her book With Good Heart: Yaqui Beliefs and Ceremonies in Pascua Village , gives examples of Yaqui vocabulary associated with spirituality: "morea", an equivalent to the Spanish brujo; "saurino", used to describe persons with the gift of divination; and "seataka", or spiritual power, a word which is "fundamental to Yaqui thought and life.
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It is hard to believe that Castaneda's benefactor, a self-professed Yaqui, would fail to employ these native expressions throughout the apprenticeship. In omitting such intrinsically relevant terms from his ethnography, Castaneda critically undermines his portrait of Don Juan as a bona fide Yaqui sorcerer. John Dedrick, a Protestant missionary who lived among the Yaqui Indians of Vicam, Sonora, from to , stated in his letter of May 23, that:. I've only read "The Teachings of Don Juan", and before I got to the third part of the book I knew that he [Castaneda] did know of the Yaquis and that he had not been to the Rio Yaqui river, or that there is no terminology in the Yaqui language for any of the instructions and explanations that "Don Juan" was giving it to him [Castaneda] .
Clement Meighan and Stephen C. Thomas,  point out that the books largely, and for the most part, do not describe Yaqui culture at all with its emphasis on Catholic upbringing and conflict with the Federal State of Mexico, but rather focus on the international movements and life of Don Juan who was described in the books as traveling and having many connections, and abodes, in the Southwestern United States Arizona , Northern Mexico, and Oaxaca.
Don Juan was described in the books as a shaman steeped in a mostly lost Toltec philosophy and decidedly anti-Catholic. A March 5, Time article by Sandra Burton, looking at both sides of the controversy, stated:. That proof hinges on the credibility of Don Juan as a being and Carlos Castaneda as a witness. Yet there is no corroboration beyond Castaneda's writings that Don Juan did what he is said to have done, and very little that he exists at all.
A strong case can be made that the Don Juan books are of a different order of truthfulness from Castaneda's pre-Don Juan past. Where, for example, was the motive for an elaborate scholarly put-on? The Teachings were submitted to a university press, an unlikely prospect for best-sellerdom. Besides, getting an anthropology degree from U. A little fudging perhaps, but not a whole system in the manner of The Teachings, written by an unknown student with, at the outset, no hope of commercial success.
David Silverman sees value in the work even while considering it fictional. In Reading Castaneda he describes the apparent deception as a critique of anthropology field work in general — a field that relies heavily on personal experience, and necessarily views other cultures through a lens. According to Silverman, not only the descriptions of peyote trips but also the fictional nature of the work are meant to place doubt on other works of anthropology. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For other uses, see Tensegrity.
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Main article: Carlos Castaneda bibliography. According to a article in Time , U. He also reported his date of birth as December 25, March 5, Archived from the original on June 27, Retrieved Psychology Today. Retrieved 23 February The New York Times.
The Life of a Galilean Shaman derspostrefmino.cf
Archived from the original on 14 March Archived from the original on 23 February Archived from the original on 26 February Retrieved 22 February Los Angeles Times. Archived from the original on 6 June Retrieved 20 July Journal of Humanistic Psychology. Critique: Studies in Contemporary Fiction. Fake Identity?
Campus Verlag GmbH. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs. Spring New York Times. Retrieved 15 July Retrieved 17 April Carlos Castaneda's Tensegrity.